The West's modern "witch hunt." Cartoon: Vitaly Podvitski

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has been facing a headache recently: a constant low approval rating. Japanese media outlet Mainichi Shimbun reported on Monday that the approval rating for Kishida's cabinet stood at 25 percent in a recent nationwide public opinion poll conducted by the newspaper, tying the record low backing his administration saw in December 2022.

A week beforehand, Kishida reshuffled his cabinet and executives of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), with 11 ministers taking on cabinet posts for the first time, while six remain in place. The new cabinet also includes five women among the 19 total positions, which is considered to be a selling point for boosting Kishida's support rate. 
Judging from past, the approval rating for the cabinet often sees an obvious increase after a reshuffle, but the revamp failed to achieve such an effect this time, reflecting structural problems in the Kishida administration.

First, there was no pressing need for a reshuffle of the cabinet. The revamp this time seems to have infused new blood into the cabinet, but there has been no change in key positions, such as chief cabinet secretary, finance minister and minister of economy, trade and industry. Meanwhile, Kishida has retained Toshimitsu Motegi as his ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) secretary general and Taro Aso as vice president, which means that the structure of the regime generally remains unchanged and current policies will continue.

In addition to Tetsuro Nomura, minister of agriculture, forestry and fisheries, who was replaced in the reshuffle due to the controversy over calling the Fukushima nuclear wastewater "contaminated," Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Seiji Kihara was replaced because of alleged scandals. But Kihara was soon appointed to the post of acting secretary-general of the LDP and special advisor to the chairperson of the Policy Research Council. This is just a change from governmental to party post.

Second, the cabinet reshuffle was only intended to complete the distribution of factional interests. After being elected president of the LDP, Kishida proposed that party officials rather than the president should be limited to one term of one year and only up to three consecutive terms. In this way, the LDP is bound to face a reshuffle every year. Kishida kept the positions of Aso and Motegi, but the issue of the appointment of other senior party members is still a very difficult matter for Kishida. Taking into account the balance of the major factions in the LDP, Kishida had to swap the positions of some members of the party and cabinet.

At the same time, the LDP has seen a considerable number of party members who are qualified to enter the cabinet but don't have the chance to because of Shinzo Abe's stable leadership since 2012. This pushed Kishida into the cabinet reshuffle. In other words, it is more of a coordination of the top party and government officials and an adjustment to satisfy the interests of different party factions.

Third, Kishida's reshuffle failed to bring about major policy changes. His nepotism and closed-mindedness are what Japanese public opinion has particularly criticized.
As far as his policies are concerned, Kishida said during his campaign for the leadership that people's voices should be heard; but what we see more in the process of policy formulation and implementation are his subjective assertions. For example, before the nuclear-contaminated wastewater dumping began, although Kishida visited Fukushima to inspect the area, he did not meet with or listen to the voices of the fishing communities in Fukushima Prefecture.

According to public opinion polls conducted by several media outlets, what the Japanese public questions most is Kishida's lack of leadership skills. The cabinet reshuffle did not touch on the essence of the problem, which is the crux of Kishida's low approval rating even after the revamp. Instead of focusing on gaining people's trust, Kishida seems to put his mind toward the distribution of political interests and the balance of power of party factions, so as to lay the foundation for his reelection in next year's LDP leadership election.

The 10th China-European Union High-Level Economic and Trade Dialogue will be held on Monday in Beijing. As the highest-level dialogue mechanism in the field of trade and economic cooperation between China and the EU and one of the "three pillars" of China-EU relations, the Dialogue has always been the main channel for the two sides to resolve misunderstandings and differences through the promotion of economic and trade cooperation. The Dialogue resumed offline for the first time in three years is a positive signal for the improvement of China-EU relations.

For both China and Europe, this year's Dialogue is different from the previous nine ones. At present, the two sides are obviously facing a greater number of issues, disputes, disruptions and challenges in the field of economic and trade cooperation compared to the past, while the total volume of trade between China and Europe has reached more than 800 billion euros ($853 billion), a new high that involves huge interests. This highlights the urgency for China and Europe to meet halfway and address these problems. Some already existing and newly emerged problems during the COVID-19 pandemic will also be discussed during the 10th China-European Union High-Level Economic and Trade Dialogue.

The dispute and division points between China and Europe on economic and trade issues are obvious. Executive Vice President of the European Commission and Trade Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis, who came to China to co-chair the Dialogue, talked about the main concern of the European side during his visit to China in the past two days, which is the "very unbalanced" trade with China. Last year, the trade deficit between the two sides reached nearly 400 billion euros, and EU Ambassador to China Jorge Toledo called it "the highest in the history of mankind" with exaggeration.

It is well-known that the causes of the trade deficit are very complex. China is not willing to see the trade deficit grow too huge and has always hoped that the two sides will work together to push for a trade balance. In this way, the bilateral trade can be more sustainable. However, the European side simply attributes this to China's "trade barriers," which is completely untrue and unhelpful in solving the problem.

From the perspective of the Chinese side, what we see is completely different from the European side. The EU has been talking about "de-risking" on various occasions for a long time, and officially launched the European Economic Security Strategy in June this year, which is essentially a systematic "de-risking" strategy. Whether it is the recent announcement by the EU to launch an anti-subsidy investigation against Chinese electric vehicles, or the statement in June claiming that Chinese 5G suppliers Huawei and ZTE pose "materially higher risks than other 5G suppliers" and threatening to take corresponding measures, as well as the successively introduced European Chips Act, Foreign Subsidies Regulation, and EU's draft Critical Raw Materials Act, etc., all these acts are examples of trade protectionism. In other words, the European side has labeled acts and policies of trade protectionism as "de-risking," and the two can be considered equivalent in practice.

The European side has repeatedly assured the Chinese side that "de-risking" does not mean "decoupling." We believe that they are sincere in saying this. However, we cannot accept and strongly oppose the use of trade protectionism to "de-risk." The EU has always been an advocate of globalization and free trade. In the face of global changes, it needs to take practical actions to prove that it has not changed and learned from the mistakes made by Donald Trump.

It needs to be emphasized that having differences is completely normal, which also reflects the necessity of high-level dialogue between China and Europe on economic and trade issues. The key is to prevent the escalation and deterioration of these differences into conflicts and confrontations. Dialogue requires sincerity and the genuine expression of each party's positions and interests. More importantly, it is essential to seek common ground and solutions to resolve differences and problems based on this foundation. If dialogue only sees participants talk past each other, it loses its main significance. As some European individuals have pointed out, the worst thing for China and Europe in the current situation is to stop talking to each other and enter into a logic of group confrontation.

In terms of China-Europe economic and trade issues, the frontline enterprises from both China and Europe that are involved should have the most say. Some in-depth investigations by Western media have found that while European imports from China have declined, investment by European companies in China has increased. It is obvious that European companies have the most first-hand experience with whether the Chinese market is open or not. However, we have noticed that when making major economic and trade decisions regarding China, the EU is increasingly disregarding the opinions and interests of European companies. In this Dialogue, we hope that the EU could fully consider the feelings of European companies, break free from the constraints of general securitization and politicization, and resolve each other's concerns through dialogue and consultation. This is one of the most valuable experiences in the development of China-Europe relations and should not be overlooked in the current situation.

Editor's Note:

There have been signs of easing tensions in China-Australia relations recently, with the holding of the China-Australia High-Level Dialogue in September and a potential trip to China by Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese later this year. To what extent can China-Australia ties be repaired? Will the Albanese government give pragmatic cooperation a priority? Colin Mackerras (Mackerras), a fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities and world-renowned sinologist, shared his insights with Global Times (GT) reporter Su Yaxuan. 

GT: To what extent can China-Australia ties be repaired? And what kind of relationship would be most beneficial to Australia?

Mackerras: I think it's a good thing that there are signs of improvement. If we have more trade, that's a good thing. I hope we can make some agreements that will help both sides. I don't think it's going to go back to the way it was before. I say this mainly because of these other things that Americans seem to be doing. For instance, the US, UK and Australia agreed on a nuclear-powered submarine project. What that does is take away our independence to some extent as well, and it ties the US and Australia together. Although it could be argued that it's not against China, it seems to me that it is and the Americans designed it to be just that, against China.

I think that's extremely unfortunate. Australia is heavily dependent on the Americans. In a context where the US doesn't want us to be friendly with China, they tend to be very hostile, and I think that's very unfortunate and very unfair. Australia is giving signs that it wants to be friends with China. At the same time, it's also digging up unfounded criticisms against China. That's unfair and unnecessary.

When you're talking about relations, you can talk about geopolitical relations, but you can also talk about people-to-people relations. I've now been to China more times than I can count since I first went there in 1964. I love going to China. I have a lot of friends there.

We can develop these people-to-people relations in many different ways. Students can go to school in another country. Scholars from both countries can conduct joint research. But also, you can have students coming from China to Australia and from Australia to China. I think tourism is a very interesting phenomenon, it can be economic, but I think it can also be people-to-people. When people go to another country as tourists, they're interested in its culture, they learn about its culture, they meet people, they make friends. 

Despite what the Australian government is doing and despite the policy it has toward the Americans, which I am very much against, we can still make good friends with China. We can still have good people-to-people relationships. We can still receive Chinese students and Australian students can go to China, and we can also improve tourism. I'm very optimistic about all of this.

GT: How do you think the trade and economic ties between the two countries will develop in the years to come? Will the Albanese government view pragmatic cooperation as a priority to help bolster Australia's economy?

Mackerras: I think Albanese will develop economic trade and ties. I know there have been a few problems which people have talked about a lot here in Australia, but I don't see them as being fundamentally impossible to solve. With a bit of goodwill on both sides, I expect them to be solved gradually over time which would be good for both countries. Australia's economy is very closely aligned with China's at the moment. I don't want Australia to trade with other countries at the expense of trading with China. I think it's very valuable for Australia to trade with China and I expect that to happen and continue to happen.

GT: What are the main biases that currently exist in the West toward China? What do we most need to break? How should we do it?

Mackerras: It seems to me that the most difficult area is that the West is determined to see China as a threat. The reason is it wants to stay on top and it's not willing to let anyone else challenge its hegemony. It doesn't want this multipolar world. China often talks about this multipolar world, and it is not the only one. Most people seem to want a multipolar world. But the Americans and the West are determined not to have that because they think it is against them. They want to be No.1 and everyone else should do what they're told.

I think that's the main bias, but there are other biases too, because the Western media tend to put everything that happens in China in a negative light. Here in Australia, we have the Murdoch Press journals, like The Australian, and there are others, like the Fairfax Press and they mostly seem to put a negative spin on everything China does. 

The media in Australia is currently indulging in a sort of triumphalism that China's economic success can't last. That seems to me to be very wrong. Looking at the big picture, China's economy is still growing well and will recover from present difficulties.

But as for how you're going to get over this, I don't know, but I do think promoting people-to-people relationships is very helpful indeed and an excellent way to go. 

Right after the surprise attack by Hamas on Israel on Saturday, US President Joe Biden vowed that his administration's support for Israel's security was "rock solid and unwavering" and that assistance was "on its way," with additional help forthcoming. The US has announced that it was moving an aircraft carrier strike group and military aircraft closer to Israel as a strong gesture of support. 

However, what we should anticipate is more chaos from the US political circle as the conflict persists. Niu Xinchun, a research fellow at the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations, told the Global Times that this is mainly a deterrent to prevent Iran from taking action amid this crisis.

According to Lü Xiang, a US studies research fellow at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, the support of the Biden administration for Israel appears to be more moral in nature. He believes that Washington has not shown the determination to take decisive action, nor has it presented a clear action plan.

Currently, the main focus of discussion in US political circles regarding the new round of conflict in the Gaza Strip is whether to attach Ukraine funding to a request for urgent aid to Israel as a strategy to pass both spending priorities. While the White House is considering this move, House Republicans warn sharply against it.

In terms of giving aid to Israel, the difference between the two parties is not as great when compared with giving aid to Ukraine. The US recently has already seen a heated debate over giving aid to Ukraine. Because most Republicans push for a significant reduction in Ukrainian aid, the US Congress last week had to remove Ukraine funding from a massive military spending bill to avoid a potential government shutdown. Linking the two aid requests once again shows fractured and desperate US politics.

Moreover, GOP politicians have taken the opportunity of the current situation in the Gaza Strip to vigorously attack the Democrats, especially the Biden administration. Republican candidates that want to unseat Biden quickly began to blame him for the crisis. In response, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken accused the Republicans of "playing politics" by attacking Biden. Obviously, the eruption of the Palestine-Israel conflict continues to fuel the growing polarization of the US bipartisanship.

This new round of the Palestine-Israel conflict shows that to seek peace in the Middle East, it is impossible to skip the tension between Palestine and Israel, a time bomb in the region. In its Middle East policy, the Biden administration has been proactively pushing for a détente between Saudi Arabia and Israel before next year's presidential election, aiming to boost his votes. But now, the escalation of the situation in the Middle East will, without question, hinder such a process, making Biden's plan wishful thinking.

As many people in the US criticized, the Biden administration's inability to manage the US' relationship with Iran has intensified the conflict between the two countries, instead of easing it.

Some observers worry that the conflict will distract attention from the war in Ukraine, and the US' support for Ukraine has already wavered, as war fatigue haunts the country. A recent Reuters/Ipsos poll has shown that support for supplying weapons to Ukraine is declining among Americans of both political parties. It is difficult for the US to "fight a two-front war" with its limited capacity of providing aid to foreign countries. And if the US planned to intervene in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in any kind of form, it could be difficult for the Biden administration to wind things up - We still remember how US forces withdrew from Afghanistan helter-skelter two years ago.

Huawei is to hold a high-profile new product launch event on Monday afternoon, which is expected to be the launch of a series of products including Huawei Smart Screen V5 Pro and Huawei MatePad Pro 13.2-inch flagship tablet, according to media reports.

However, insiders told the Global Times that there won’t be too many details of the closely-watched Mate 60 Pro phone series to be unveiled at the event, which has generated buzz among Chinese consumers for weeks after an unexpected debut on August 29, with some hailing the phone as representing a significant chip breakthrough.

The planned launch on Monday has drawn “unprecedented” attention across China, attracting the live broadcast and live-streaming of more than 100 media outlets. On Monday morning, Huawei-related “concept” stocks were active, with many jumping by 10 percent, hitting their daily limit.

Industry observers were anticipating a formal detailing of the phone's specs and in particular the chipsets in the phone, which reportedly utilizes the Kirin 9000S chip, featuring either 7-nm or 5-nm process technology. Huawei has kept tight-lipped about the capabilities of the chip.

On August 29, Huawei surprised the market by kicking off early presales of Mate 60 Pro smartphone series ahead of Apple’s annual big launch event. Since then, Mate 60 Pro has been a big seller across the country.

Consumers have been queuing up to grab a mobile phone outside Huawei’s offline stores.

Monday also marks the two-year return of Meng Wanzhou in 2021. Meng, now a rotating chairperson of Huawei, was arrested by Canadian authorities in December 2018 under the request of the US government.

Some netizens said a stronger Huawei returning to the center stage of global tech innovation may be considered as "a slap in the face" to the US government's ruthless suppression and attack on the leading Chinese tech company, especially as the planned event date marks two years of Meng's safe return from Canada to China.

Looking ahead, Huawei founder and CEO Ren Zhengfei said in a recent interview that US sanctions on Huawei provided both pressure and impetus. “Huawei may encounter more difficulties, but at the same time becomes more prosperous too,” Ren said.

During the past three decades, China-ASEAN partnership has witnessed sound and steady growth. Despite global geopolitical headwinds, the two sides have safeguarded regional stability and tranquility, and always supported each other's economic growth by establishing the sustained solid path of win-win cooperation.

ASEAN member states have a combined population of 670 million and a gross GDP of $3.7 trillion. As a dynamic economic bloc, its annual economic growth rate is now higher than that of the US, Japan and the EU. As a result, tens of millions of people in ASEAN are becoming increasingly better-off each day.

As to the "China threat" theory that the US and its allies have been spreading, the strong relationship ASEAN and China have built over the past many years shows that the ASEAN members are always against Washington politicians' "divisive" strategy.

China and ASEAN countries have pulled together with solidarity in this trying time in the world, and the China-ASEAN relationship shows a sound momentum of all-round development. China's engagement with ASEAN is deep and varied, and it is most prominent on the economic front. China's organic economic linkages with ASEAN economies have resulted in China's economic performance having a strong impact on ASEAN's economic prospects. 

Both sides have become each other's largest trading partner, with trade volume in 2022 almost topping $1 trillion, up 11.2 percent year-on-year and more than double the volume a decade ago. China is also one of the largest sources of foreign direct investment in ASEAN.

The success of ASEAN lies in its establishment of a multi-tiered and effectively-managed architecture of regional cooperation with its dialogue partners, among which ASEAN-China relations have long been one of the most vibrant and productive ties. Two decades ago, China acceded to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, making it the first among major countries to join the treaty. Two decades later, it is more than gratifying to see that ASEAN and China are trying their best to build on a comprehensive strategic partnership which is well poised to benefit us all.

Recently, some Western media outlets are pouring cold water on "ASEAN centrality" is managing regional affairs, spinning on the "declining impact of the ASEAN bloc" which is untrue and ill-intended. On the contrary, China has always supported the central and indispensable role of ASEAN to lead the discussion of all regional issues and help resolve all regional disputes and concerns. 

As a matter of fact, due to its centrality in the Asia-Pacific economy, ASEAN is carving its space on the global stage too. For instance, in November 2020, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand joined the 10 ASEAN member nations to form the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the world's largest free trade zone to date. The RCEP covers one-third of the world's population and accounts for 30 percent of global GDP. Thanks to the RCEP, about 65 percent of the goods traded among the 15 members are tariff-free, and in about 20 years 90 percent of them will carry zero tariffs. This has facilitated the unhindered flow of raw materials and finished goods across the whole region.

The Belt and Road Initiative has made many remarkable achievements. First, Belt and Road projects have facilitated economic growth and social development in many countries. Railways, roads and ports have improved transportation, and form the backbone of growth, for they connect cities with towns and rural areas, even remote villages, expediting the movement of products, including agricultural produce, and thus enlarge markets, reduce unemployment and promote education, especially in the countryside.

Second, Belt and Road projects have helped expand many countries' foreign trade thanks to the construction and improvement of ports, airports and highways. This is most evident in countries such as Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, Malaysia and Indonesia. Such projects have also helped ASEAN to become China's largest trading partner.

During the last ASEAN Summit and Asia-Pacific regional leaders' meetings held in Indonesia, China and ASEAN signed a series of documents that will consolidate economic partnership and cooperation between the two giant economies, with the centerpiece being the upgrading of the ASEAN-China free trade agreement to version 3.0, covering new cooperation areas including digital economy, green economy and stronger supply chain. Indonesian President Joko Widodo, the meeting chair, emphasized the need to realize "concrete cooperation that is mutually beneficial" to both Southeast Asia and China. 

In a sense, the central role of ASEAN in managing regional matters and addressing common concerns is not diminished or marginalized, as claimed by the Western media. And, China will always act as a strong force to back up ASEAN, politically and economically.

China's Politburo member and Foreign Minister Wang Yi outlined six diplomatic tasks for the country in 2023. Among them, Wang stressed that China "will stay committed to the principle of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness, and the policy of forging friendship and partnership in our neighborhood, and deepen friendship, mutual trust and convergence of interests with our neighbors."

With regard to geographical proximity and economic interdependence, ASEAN is the top priority in China's neighborhood diplomacy. As long as the world's geopolitical unilateralism and trade protectionism continue, global demand is likely to remain subdued which will weigh heavily on global economic recovery.

Meanwhile, the world is currently encountering changes unseen in a century, and once again stands at a historical crossroads. On the one hand, the new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation is gaining momentum, and, the aspiration for win-win cooperation among the economies has grown even stronger.

Despite the complexities and volatilities in the global stage, ASEAN has successfully managed to maintain peace and stability in the region, sustain the good momentum of growth, and make remarkable economic and social achievements. Now ASEAN stands out as one of the most dynamic regions in the world, leading the post-pandemic recovery of the global economy. The GDP growth rate of ASEAN in 2022 was an impressive 5.2 percent, one of the highest among all major economies and economic groupings.

The success of ASEAN lies in its right choice of progress over regression, cooperation over confrontation, and openness over isolation. The success of ASEAN also lies in its adherence to solidarity and independence, in its cherishing of peace and development, in its respect for cultures and traditions of various members, and in its drawing on wisdom of Asian civilizations.

By the end of July this year, cumulative two-way investment had surpassed $380 billion, with China setting up more than 6,500 enterprises with direct investment in ASEAN member states. Against the backdrop of a bleak global economic rebound, Asia, especially East and Southeast Asia have become bright spots.

Moreover, the sharp, geopolitically-induced downturn in semiconductors may be bottoming out. And Huawei's impressive 5G Mate 60 Pro suggests China is moving toward self-sufficiency in high-tech much faster than expected.

As Chinese Premier Li Qiang said recently in Indonesia --"As long as we both keep to the right path, no matter what storm may come, China-ASEAN cooperation will be as firm as ever and press ahead against all odds." 

Cities across China are issuing vouchers to further lift consumption as the 8-day Golden Week holidays are right around the corner. 

Guangzhou in South China's Guangdong Province started to issue batches of consumption vouchers worth 130 million yuan ($18.2 million) on Wednesday. The issuance is expected to end in December. 

Residents in Guangzhou can obtain the vouchers at locations such as shopping malls and super markets, as well as online platforms.

Sichuan in Southwest China granted a second round of consumption vouchers that cover retail, dining, home appliances and sports starting from Tuesday through online platforms. They followed a first batch of consumption vouchers valued at more than 450 million yuan that were released at the end of August. 

Sanya, South China's Hainan Province, also launched consumption packages worth more than 200 million yuan, covering hotels, catering and travel agencies. 

The booming dispatch of vouchers in different cities came after higher-than-expected retail sales, a main gauge of consumption, in August. Experts said the issuance of consumer vouchers can help improve residents' willingness to spend and is conducive to accelerating economic recovery.

The contribution of final consumption expenditures to economic growth reached 77.2 percent in the first half of the year, significantly higher than the contribution rate for the whole of 2022, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).

Thanks to a bustling summer travel peak and consumption-boosting measures, retail sales of consumer goods in August recorded a year-on-year growth of 4.6 percent to reach 3.79 trillion yuan, 2.1 percentage points higher than the growth rate of July, NBS said on September 15, further highlighting China's steady economic recovery.  

The rebound in domestic consumption has played a vital role in driving economic development, the bureau said, highlighting the significant recovery seen in service consumption.

To boost consumption, the Ministry of the Commerce has declared 2023 as a "Boost Consumption Year," in which a series of measures will be released to lift consumption for the whole year.

China has released a number of measures to revive domestic tourism and further unleash consumption potential on the first day of the Golden Week holidays on Friday, on which the world’s second-largest economy has witnessed record railway trips, traffic and long queues outside tourist spots.

The series of rules covers a wider range of areas including enhancing high-quality tourism products and services, expanding marine tourism products, optimizing tourism infrastructure investment, increasing international flights, offering convenience for inbound tourism and expanding financing channels for tourist enterprises, according to a report from the Xinhua News Agency, citing a document from the State Council.

The stimulus measures aim to further meet the people’s aspirations for a better life, and leverage the significant role of the tourism industry in advancing economic and social development, the report said.

Stimulus targeting the tourism industry is being launched at a critical time, when Chinese authorities have been ramping up efforts to shore up confidence and stabilize growth as the world’s second-largest economy has seen signs of recovery over the past months. 

Analysts have expected a surge on consumption during the Golden Week holidays, which falls from Friday to October 6, it’s China’s longest public holiday this year.

Traffic is quite busy. On the first day of the eight-day holidays, the national railway network is experiencing its peak passenger flow, with roughly 20.2 million trips are made on this day. A total of 12,508 passenger trains are scheduled to operate, including 1,841 additional trains added to accommodate the surge in passenger demand on the day.

Specifically, the railway network in the Yangtze River Delta region, one of China’s most economically dynamic areas, is expected to see 3.5 million trips on Friday, an increase of 60 percent compared with the same time in 2019. 

In response to the high passenger volume during this travel peak, the railway authorities said they are making every effort to tap into the transportation potential, maximize capacity, and ensure that the travel needs of the passengers are met to the best extent possible.

In terms of commercial aviation, more than 21 million travelers will take flights in the span of eight days, with the aviation meal production workshop is operating 24 hours a day to ensure a sufficient meal supply during the holiday period, according to a report from ThePaper.cn.
The official start of the eight-day holidays goes hand in hand with the peak of tourism season nationwide. Data from travel agencies showed that during this holiday period, the popularity of long-distance travel products, primarily to destinations like Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Southwest China’s Xizang Autonomous Region, and Yunnan Province, have seen a year-on-year increase of over 300 percent. 

Long-distance group tours have become a rising trend, with no decrease in the popularity of major cities, and lesser-known places are also gaining attention. Furthermore, the entertainment industry has seen  “retaliatory growth” this year, with consumers showing a sustained enthusiasm for attending shows. “Traveling  with performances” has become a new trend for holidaymakers.

The film industry has also rebounded. As of 5:50 pm on Friday, the box office for the 2023 National Day holiday season has exceeded 300 million yuan ($41.11 million), according to data from online ticketing platform Maoyan. 

Alibaba’s Cainiao Smart Logistics has strongly refuted Belgian intelligence service VSSE’s recent accusation of engaging in “possible spying or interference activities” at the company’s European logistics center at Belgium’s Liege Airport.

“We strongly deny the allegations based on prior conjecture. Cainiao is in compliance with all laws and regulations where it operates,” the company said in a statement sent to the Global Times on Saturday.

Belgian officials are looking into “risks” involving the presence of China’s e-commerce giant Alibaba at a cargo airport in the city of Liege, Reuters reported on Friday, citing VSSE.

The security service said it was working to “detect and fight against possible spying and/or interference activities carried out by Chinese entities including Alibaba,” Reuters wrote.

Alibaba signed an agreement with the Belgian government in 2018 to establish an e-commerce trade center operated by Cainiao at Liege Airport. In 2021, Cainiao commenced operations at the Liege Digital Logistics Hub, which was its largest smart logistics hub in Europe.

It is not the first time for certain Belgian officials and media outlets hype such groundless accusations. In May 2021, The Chinese Embassy in Belgium refuted similar accusations against Alibaba, noting that such baseless allegations were a replica of the “China threat theory,” which not only misguided the Belgian public but also cast a negative impact on the image and reputation of Chinese businesses and individuals in Belgium.

The Chinese government always requires Chinese enterprises to strictly abide by local laws and regulations when doing business overseas, and will not require Chinese enterprises to engage in activities that violate local laws and regulations, the embassy said in a statement.

“Currently, Europe’s perception of and sentiment towards China have undergone complex changes due to a combination of internal and external factors. Many regular economic cooperation projects between China and Europe are being scrutinized through the lens of so-called security concerns,” Dong Yifan, a research fellow at the Institute of European Studies, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, told the Global Times.

Against the backdrop, various security and defense departments, including Belgium’s VSSE, are inclined to take the forefront in promoting such issues to underscore their own influence, Dong said.

“Such moves overstretching the concept of national security will undoubtedly create a negative impact on the political atmosphere and public sentiment between China and Europe, subsequently undermining the willingness and confidence of both parties to engage in cooperation,” Dong said.

Cao Zhongming, China’s ambassador to Belgium told the media in January that China retained its position as Belgium’s third-largest trading partner in 2022, while Belgium stood as China’s seventh-largest trading partner within the EU. The accomplishment is noteworthy given the backdrop of a sluggish global economic recovery.

The successful operation of Alibaba's Cainiao Liege Smart Logistics Hub in Belgium has significantly boosted cross-border e-commerce between China and Europe and helped reinforce Belgium’s position as a logistics hub in Europe, Cao said.