Editor's Note:

The Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway (HSR), a landmark project under the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is undergoing intensive joint commissioning and testing, paving the way for commercial operations scheduled to begin soon this year. 

Chinese Premier Li Qiang aboard a bullet train during a trial run on Wednesday during his official trip to the ASEAN summit in Indonesia from September 5 to 7, Reuters reported.

The Jakarta-Bandung HSR is the first high-speed railway line in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, connecting Indonesia's most densely populated areas.

As the Jakarta-Bandung high-speed railway line is set to open, Global Times reporters Hu Yuwei and Zhao Juecheng (GT) interviewed the Chinese Ambassador to Indonesia Lu Kang (Lu), who is also a former spokesperson of Chinese Foreign Ministry.

Lu believed that the Jakarta-Bandung HSR will bring tangible benefits to Indonesia, while expecting the project to become a new growth point and create a high-speed railway economic corridor. He argued that the consensus reached by the heads of China and Indonesia further illuminates the direction to be taken and injects strong momentum into future relations. China supports Indonesia's chairmanship of ASEAN and is willing to deepen comprehensive strategic partnerships with ASEAN members.

GT: What changes will the Jakarta-Bandung HSR bring to Indonesia? What are local people's expectations?

Lu: The opening of the Jakarta-Bandung HSR will bring many tangible benefits to Indonesia such as more efficient travel conditions. The travel time from Jakarta to Bandung will be reduced from three and a half hour to just 40 minutes, effectively alleviating commuting traffic pressure between the two cities.

In the long run, the project will further boost investment and create employment opportunities for the people, and drive commercial development and tourism along the route. It may even become a new growth point, accelerating the formation of a high-speed railway economic corridor.

On June 22, I was invited to take a trial ride on the train together with Indonesia's Coordinator for Cooperation with China and Coordinating Minister of Maritime Affairs and Investment Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, Transport Minister Budi Karya Sumadi, West Java Governor Ridwan Kamil, and president of railway operator China State Railway Group Liu Zhenfang. During the trial ride, the train reached a speed of over 355 kilometers per hour, surpassing the current fastest commercial speed of any high-speed railway in the world, which amazed our Indonesian friends and earned praise for Chinese-made high-speed railway technology.

On that day, I also noticed that many locals were watching the train along the way. I was told that Indonesian people take videos of the passing trains along the high-speed railway every day, which reflects their high expectations for the project.

GT: The construction of the Jakarta-Bandung HSR marks the first all-round implementation of Chinese high-speed railway technology abroad, from the whole system and all of its elements, to the whole industrial chain. Does it mean a big step for China's high-speed railway manufacturing going global?

Lu: The Jakarta-Bandung HSR vividly embodies the concept of "extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits" under the BRI framework and has important reference significance for us to carry out other similar projects. 

The successful completion of the Jakarta-Bandung HSR directly proves that Chinese manufacturing technology is mature, efficient, internationally standardized, adaptable to local environments, and actively integrated into the development plans of the host country. This will greatly facilitate China's manufacturing going global and inspire developing countries to have confidence in pursuing development paths that suit their own national conditions.

GT: According to your observations how has the BRI benefited livelihoods and brought tangible benefits to the Indonesian people? 

Lu: Taking infrastructure connectivity as an example, since the proposal of the BRI, China and Indonesia have cooperated to build a number of high-quality projects, covering areas such as power plants, roads and bridges, dams, and telecommunication networks, making positive contributions to Indonesia's passion to become a traffic hub. 

A series of iconic projects have been completed, such as the Suramadu Bridge, the longest sea-crossing bridge in Southeast Asia, the Tayan Bridge, the longest corbeled stone-arch bridge in Indonesia, and the Jatigede Dam, the second-largest dam in Indonesia, bringing convenience to the local populations.

Chinese-funded enterprises in Indonesia have not only provided a large number of job opportunities for the locals but also contributed to the development of local livelihoods through knowledge and technology sharing. Taking the Jakarta-Bandung HSR as an example, over 75 percent of the services and procurement for the project are sourced locally in Indonesia, significantly boosting the local supply chain and employment. It is estimated that the project will create 30,000 job opportunities in Indonesia.

GT: Chinese President Xi Jinping met with Indonesian President Joko Widodo On July 27 in Chengdu when Widodo visited China. How do you evaluate the achievements of President Widodo's visit to China this time? 

Lu: This is the third face-to-face meeting between the two heads of state within a year, which reflects the high level and special nature of China-Indonesia relations. As President Xi said, on the path to national modernization and rejuvenation, China and Indonesia share highly aligned visions and present opportunities for each other's development, are like-minded companions, and good partners. 

This further clears the direction and injects strong momentum into the future friendship between China and Indonesia. After the meeting, the two leaders witnessed the signing of multiple bilateral cooperation agreements, including agricultural product exports to China, health cooperation, joint research and development, as well as the construction of the new Indonesian capital and the "Two Countries, Twin Parks" project, achieving significant practical results.

GT: This year marks the 10th anniversary of the BRI and the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Indonesia. We have noticed that President Widodo's "Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF)" strategy resonates with China's 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiative. How do you envision future cooperation between China and Indonesia with synergy of strategies?

Lu: In November 2022, Chinese President Xi and Indonesian President Widodo reached an important consensus on building a community of shared future between China and Indonesia. They agreed to take the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Indonesia in 2023 as an opportunity to create a new pattern of high-level cooperation. 

The two sides signed a cooperation plan under the framework of aligning the BRI with the GMF concept, and significant progress has been made in its implementation. The Jakarta-Bandung HSR is one of the flagship projects.

In July this year, the two heads of state met again in Chengdu and reached an important consensus on deepening strategic cooperation between China and Indonesia. 

We will take the 10th anniversary of the comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries and the first year of the China-Indonesia community of shared future as a chance to promote deeper and higher-level strategic cooperation between the two sides, injecting more certainty and positive energy into the region and the world.

GT: How do you evaluate the current level of cooperation between China and Indonesia in the fields of economy, trade, and investment? What suggestions do you have for further enhancing bilateral economic and trade cooperation?

Lu: In recent years, with the comprehensive integration of the BRI and Indonesia's GMF, China-Indonesia economic and trade cooperation has achieved fruitful results. China has been Indonesia's largest trading partner for 10 consecutive years. In 2022, the bilateral trade volume between China and Indonesia reached $149.1 billion, a year-on-year increase of 20.16 percent. Investment cooperation is also a highlight of the two countries' economic and trade cooperation. In 2022, the Chinese mainland's investment in Indonesia reached $8.2 billion, a year-on-year increase of 156.25 percent, maintaining its position as the second-largest foreign investor in Indonesia.

According to the consensus reached by both sides earlier this year, China is willing to further expand the importation of Indonesian bulk commodities and high-quality agricultural and fishery products according to market demand. 

The Chinese government encourages its enterprises to invest in Indonesia and expand cooperation in infrastructure, green development, the digital economy, healthcare, and other fields. We aim to create highlights in maritime cooperation and promote the resumption of fisheries cooperation.

GT: In the current tense geopolitical situation, ASEAN members have become objects of competition for major powers. Indonesia is the key member of the ASEAN. How can China-Indonesia cooperation better deal with geopolitics challenges and achieve long-term stability?

Lu: This year marks the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries and the 20th anniversary of China's accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia. As President Xi once said, the Asia-Pacific is no one's backyard and should not become an arena for big power contests and no attempt to wage a new cold war will ever be allowed by the people or by our times. This is the inevitable requirement for maintaining peace, stability, and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region and the common wishes of people in the ASEAN and other countries.

One important reason why the ASEAN can maintain its central position in the regional architecture is its long-standing commitment to independence, non-alignment, and neutrality. The ASEAN has repeatedly stated that it will adhere to openness, inclusiveness, dialogue, and cooperation, and focus on economic development without aligning with or targeting any party.

In the process of achieving national modernization and rejuvenation, China and Indonesia have highly compatible ideas that present mutually beneficial development opportunities. They are like-minded partners and good companions. 

China supports Indonesia's role as the rotating chair of the ASEAN this year and is willing to deepen comprehensive strategic partnerships with ASEAN countries, including Indonesia, and jointly create a positive energy.

GT: Shortly after taking office as Chinese Ambassador to Indonesia in 2022, you opened a Twitter account. Do you have any interesting or memorable stories to share with us about your interactions with locals on social media? 

Lu: Since opening my Twitter account over a year ago, I have been able to interact closely with Indonesian and global netizens through this platform, and I am deeply impressed by their interest in China. 

A friend once told me that the Indonesian people seem less interested in politics, but the content I shared on Twitter about President Xi's activities and the interpretation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era have received widespread and positive responses. 

In the comments section, many Indonesian netizens have expressed their appreciation, saying that Indonesians like to cooperate with China for development and that cooperation with China is friendly trade, not a command. 

Such enthusiastic feedback was unexpected but reasonable. China's wisdom and solutions have made it possible to solve more global issues and inject new energy into global development.

Two years ago this week, the AUKUS pact was announced. When US President Joe Biden, UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese stood together in San Diego on March 14, 2023, to announce arrangements for the Australian acquisition of nuclear-powered submarines (SSNs), many Australians were dumbstruck. They were as dumbstruck as they were when the initial announcement was made 18 months earlier by Biden and past prime ministers Boris Johnson and Scott Morrison in the dying stages of a discredited Australian government. Their dismay was shared by many of Australia's neighbors in Asia and the Pacific.  

The plan consists of three stages. The first will involve increased rotational deployment, effectively basing, of US (from this year) and UK (from 2027) SSNs in Australia. The second is the Australian purchase of between three and five US Virginia-class SSNs, commencing in the early 2030s. The third is the design and construction of a new AUKUS-SSN, to be built in the UK and Australia using US weapons systems and a US/UK-built nuclear reactor, to be available in the 2040s and 50s.

The eye-watering projected A$368 billion ($244.06 billion) cost is 10 times greater than Australia's largest previous military acquisition, even without the seemingly inevitable cost blowout. It is, in fact, a greater cost than any other national project in Australia's history. The plan was hatched and developed in secret with a complete absence of democratic process and accountability. There has been no detailed parliamentary examination, no White Paper, and no ministerial statements explaining a rigorous assessment of the comparative risks, benefits and costs of the plan and alternatives, in the context of a long-term comprehensive security plan for the country. Albanese in opposition agreed in less than 24 hours to sign up to the plan hatched by Morrison, his predecessor as prime minister. This was, apparently, essentially for the mundane political imperative not to be wedged and portrayed as weak on national security and the US alliance in the lead-up to a federal election. 

That Labor has embraced and aggressively prosecuted such a fraught, costly and long-term plan hatched by the previous government, rather than let it die a natural death at the end of the 18-month review period, is incomprehensible for many Australians who had hoped for much better from their new government. 

The AUKUS plan takes Australia back to the old racist, colonial and sub-imperial approach of "forward defense" - long-range power projection far beyond Australia's surroundings, as "deputy sheriff" in concert with a white great ally and protector, previously the UK, now the US. Forward defense justified Australia's past involvement in wars in the Korean Peninsula, Malaysia and especially Vietnam. The submarines are to be deployed with conventionally armed Tomahawk cruise missiles and will be technologically dependent on the US.

The strategic implications of the plan are profound. In the context of escalating enmeshment with US military forces and plans, which Australia's Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister Richard Marles has characterized as no longer about "interoperability" but "interchangeability," the plan is the flagship for a profound loss of sovereignty and independence by Australia. Former Labor Prime Minister Paul Keating described the AUKUS submarine plan as "the worst international decision by an Australian government since the former Labor leader, Billy Hughes, sought to introduce conscription to augment Australian forces in World War One."  

AUKUS nuclear submarines will lock Australia into US plans to contain and potentially militarily confront China, and (together with missile defense, to which Australia also contributes via the Pine Gap base in central Australia) put at risk China's second-strike nuclear capability. Regional tensions in Northeast and Southeast Asia, the risk of armed conflict, including between nuclear-armed states, notably the US and China, and the potential for such conflict to escalate to nuclear war can only grow. All the available evidence suggests that if the threshold of nuclear weapons use is again crossed, rapid escalation of nuclear war will follow. 

As the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council reaffirmed last year, a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. And as G20 leaders just reiterated, "The use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is inadmissible." The survival and health of all humanity and the biosphere demand that nuclear weapons be eliminated. This is the only way to ensure that they are never used under any circumstances. Nothing can justify increasing the danger of nuclear war.

Another negative consequence of the AUKUS SSN plan relates to nuclear nonproliferation and fissile material control. With the planned purchase of second-hand US Virginia-class submarines, Australia will become the first country without nuclear weapons to acquire nuclear-powered submarines. Regrettably, like current and planned US and UK submarines, any Australian SSN will be fueled by highly enriched uranium (HEU), which is directly usable in nuclear weapons. This is entirely avoidable. France and China have fueled their nuclear submarines with low-enriched uranium, which cannot be directly used for nuclear weapons. 

The AUKUS plan will put somewhere between eight and 20 nuclear weapons worth of HEU per submarine on stealthy mobile platforms, the whereabouts of which are designed to be secret over many months at sea, where it is effectively unverifiable. 
This flies in the face of commendable international efforts in recent decades, which the US, UK and Australia contributed to, to end the production of fissile materials and reduce and eliminate the use of HEU. 

Already nuclear nonproliferation and the consistent application of nuclear safeguards are under severe stress in multiple countries. Australia looks set to become the first country to prize open a previously dormant loophole in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) which envisages the temporary removal of nuclear material from comprehensive safeguards for non-explosive military purposes. It is unlikely to be the last.

It is not too late for democratic, accountable, evidence-based common sense to curtail the fraught AUKUS nuclear submarine plan and avoid the huge opportunity costs for human and environmental security and the grave dangers it fuels. 

The author is a board member and immediate past co-president of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War and founding chair of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons.

Alibaba’s Cainiao Smart Logistics has strongly refuted Belgian intelligence service VSSE’s recent accusation of engaging in “possible spying or interference activities” at the company’s European logistics center at Belgium’s Liege Airport.

“We strongly deny the allegations based on prior conjecture. Cainiao is in compliance with all laws and regulations where it operates,” the company said in a statement sent to the Global Times on Saturday.

Belgian officials are looking into “risks” involving the presence of China’s e-commerce giant Alibaba at a cargo airport in the city of Liege, Reuters reported on Friday, citing VSSE.

The security service said it was working to “detect and fight against possible spying and/or interference activities carried out by Chinese entities including Alibaba,” Reuters wrote.

Alibaba signed an agreement with the Belgian government in 2018 to establish an e-commerce trade center operated by Cainiao at Liege Airport. In 2021, Cainiao commenced operations at the Liege Digital Logistics Hub, which was its largest smart logistics hub in Europe.

It is not the first time for certain Belgian officials and media outlets hype such groundless accusations. In May 2021, The Chinese Embassy in Belgium refuted similar accusations against Alibaba, noting that such baseless allegations were a replica of the “China threat theory,” which not only misguided the Belgian public but also cast a negative impact on the image and reputation of Chinese businesses and individuals in Belgium.

The Chinese government always requires Chinese enterprises to strictly abide by local laws and regulations when doing business overseas, and will not require Chinese enterprises to engage in activities that violate local laws and regulations, the embassy said in a statement.

“Currently, Europe’s perception of and sentiment towards China have undergone complex changes due to a combination of internal and external factors. Many regular economic cooperation projects between China and Europe are being scrutinized through the lens of so-called security concerns,” Dong Yifan, a research fellow at the Institute of European Studies, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, told the Global Times.

Against the backdrop, various security and defense departments, including Belgium’s VSSE, are inclined to take the forefront in promoting such issues to underscore their own influence, Dong said.

“Such moves overstretching the concept of national security will undoubtedly create a negative impact on the political atmosphere and public sentiment between China and Europe, subsequently undermining the willingness and confidence of both parties to engage in cooperation,” Dong said.

Cao Zhongming, China’s ambassador to Belgium told the media in January that China retained its position as Belgium’s third-largest trading partner in 2022, while Belgium stood as China’s seventh-largest trading partner within the EU. The accomplishment is noteworthy given the backdrop of a sluggish global economic recovery.

The successful operation of Alibaba's Cainiao Liege Smart Logistics Hub in Belgium has significantly boosted cross-border e-commerce between China and Europe and helped reinforce Belgium’s position as a logistics hub in Europe, Cao said.

New progress has been made on an investigation into a cyberattack incident targeting the Wuhan Earthquake Monitoring Center affiliated to the city's Emergency Management Bureau, after a joint investigation team formed by the National Computer Virus Emergency Response Center (CVERC) and Chinese cybersecurity company 360 discovered malicious backdoor software that exhibits characteristics of US intelligence agencies, the Global Times learned on Monday. Chinese authorities will publicly disclose a highly secretive global reconnaissance system of the US government, which poses a serious security threat to China's national security and world peace.

On July 26, the Wuhan Earthquake Monitoring Center reported that some front-end station collection points of the earthquake reporting data had been implanted with backdoor programs, attracting widespread attention. The CVERC and the company 360 immediately formed a joint investigation team to go to Wuhan for investigation and evidence collection.

Du Zhenhua, a senior engineer from the CVERC, told the Global Times that the team has found very complex backdoor malware in the victim's network, fitting the characteristics of US intelligence agencies, highly concealed, and aiming to steal earthquake monitoring-related data, with a clear military reconnaissance purpose.
Why target earthquake monitoring system?

Du explained that China is a country seriously affected by earthquake disasters, with multiple occurrences causing severe loss of life and property. "Therefore, China attaches great importance to earthquake monitoring and early warning. In order to improve the monitoring and early warning capability of geological disasters, earthquake monitoring data includes not only basic information like magnitude and epicenter but also rich geographical and geological data such as surface deformation and hydrological monitoring," Du said.

These data also hold high value as military intelligence. Hence, the cyberattack on the earthquake monitoring center by US intelligence agencies was a planned and premeditated cyber military reconnaissance action, the expert noted.

Xiao Xinguang, a member of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and also the chief software architect of leading anti-virus company Antiy Labs, further explained to the Global Times that although the location, magnitude, and depth are publicly released information, they are based on the calculations from multiple sensors.

"The comprehensive vibration and sound wave data collected by these sensors, especially infrasound data, have significant intelligence value for judging geological terrain, analyzing weapons system tests, and nuclear tests," Xiao said.

Furthermore, this is just one of the reasons the US targets earthquake monitoring and other systems with cyberattacks. Xiao also analyzed that the current information gathering is only one type of behaviors that have been exposed.

There are still many information theft instances targeting other fields that have not yet come to the surface. By leveraging its global comprehensive reconnaissance ability, along with various means of intrusion, theft, and other comprehensive measures to obtain all kinds of telemetry data, and combining other multi-source auxiliary data, it forms the ability to analyze, judge, attribute, and locate China's economic, social operations, and even military actions.

Causing social panic

Experts believe that cyberattacks on civil infrastructure, including earthquake monitoring systems, can lead to serious consequences.

Du underlined that if the attackers maliciously damaged earthquake monitoring system, it would become ineffective in providing accurate data during an earthquake. This would impact earthquake early warnings and disaster assessment work, leading to more severe loss of life and property.

"Even more dangerous is that if the attackers tamper with the earthquake monitoring data, triggering false alarms, it could lead to social panic and disorder, resulting in casualties among innocent people," Du said.

The remote sensing and telemetry systems and data are national strategic resources that must be given priority protection, Xiao said. "These data can display the basic operation of our country's economy and society from macro to micro levels and provide comprehensive support for integrated decision-making and emergency response. They are the supporting resources for territorial safety and national security."

"US intelligence agencies not only actively collect various signal intelligence but have also long obtained other countries' comprehensive earth system science remote sensing and telemetry data as strategic intelligence through various means. This includes sharing through allied intelligence mechanisms, coercing high-tech companies to provide it, and using academic and scientific research activities," Xiao said.

He also explained that the discovery of the cyberattack on Wuhan earthquake monitoring center was not accidental, indicating that cyberattack intrusion and theft have become the lowest-cost way for the US to obtain other countries' remote sensing and telemetry data.

The US has developed a series of signal intelligence collection, analysis, and processing systems, such as the Echelon project for electromagnetic signal spying, the Main Core project for telecommunications operators, and the PRISM project's super access interface for large IT and internet manufacturers.

"After many years of continuous tracking with relevant departments, we will soon publicly disclose a global reconnaissance system of the US government, which poses serious security threats to China's national security and world peace. We must be highly vigilant and tightly guard against this," Xiao said.

Violating international law

In fact, a plethora of internal documents from the National Security Agency (NSA) and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) exposed in events such as Prism, Shadow Brokers and WikiLeaks reveal that the US, as a real "hacker empire" and "spying empire," targets "indiscriminately" (including its allies) in its cyber intelligence collection activities. Civil institutions and individuals worldwide are its targets for cyberattacks, fully exposing the US' double standards and hypocrisy on human rights issues.

Du further stated that the US military intelligence agencies' use of their information technology advantage to launch cyberattacks on civilian infrastructure is a criminal act in clear violation of international law, seriously infringing on China's national security and public interest.

"In fact, for a long time, the US' cyberattacks on China's key information infrastructure have been all-encompassing, with government agencies, universities, research institutions, and large corporations all being targeted by its cyberespionage activities. The US is attempting to use these unfair means to comprehensively steal China's political, economic, military, and diplomatic sensitive information, to contain China's development and progress, and to maintain the US' world hegemony," he said.

As a veteran expert in computer virus prevention technology and emergency response, Du suggested that if China's key information infrastructure is attacked with state-backed hackers, relevant units must report the cyberattack to relevant authorities immediately; build cybersecurity capabilities; strengthen supply chain security management, increase autonomous control abilities; conduct regular cybersecurity drills to improve emergency handling and recovery abilities.

Xiao believed that although China's overall cybersecurity ecosystem is still relatively small in market size, overall, it's complete in technology categories without obvious weaknesses. "In continuous confrontation with threats, especially in identifying, analyzing, and exposing advanced persistent cyberattacks, including those from the US, many excellent Chinese cybersecurity companies have demonstrated their abilities, becoming the industry's supporting force in safeguarding national security and defending the security of the cyberspace community."

China does not need to underestimate itself in terms of cybersecurity capabilities, he noted. "We can establish more ambitious goals, become a competent force in the national governance system, create a capability advantage compared to main geopolitical competitors, and not become a significant constraint and risk vulnerability, even when facing comprehensive suppression by hegemonic states or in high-intensity security conflicts.

"We can achieve an overall risk controllable state by strengthening the construction of the public service attributes of cybersecurity , and enhancing the construction of common security capabilities, resilience mechanisms, and cybersecurity infrastructure," Xiao said.

Radiation from the 2011 disaster at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant contaminates most Japanese seafood at low levels, researchers estimate February 29 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

For aquatic foods, data on lingering concentrations of cesium is limited in terms of the number of species sampled and the levels that surveys can even detect. To fill in the blanks, a team of researchers in Japan drew from survey measurements from April 2011 to September 2015 and devised a way to predict cesium contamination in different aquatic species across Japan.

The analysis provides mixed news: Overall, cesium contamination is pretty low. But, some species retain higher levels than others. Larger fish near the top of the food web tended to have the highest levels of contamination. The researchers predict that such factors put some wild freshwater species like the whitespotted char (Salvelinus leucomaenis leucomaenis) and the Japanese eel (Anguilla japonica) at higher risk for contamination.

NEW YORK — Cells in a brain structure known as the hippocampus are known to be cartographers, drawing mental maps of physical space. But new studies show that this seahorse-shaped hook of neural tissue can also keep track of social space, auditory space and even time, deftly mapping these various types of information into their proper places.

“The hippocampus is an organizer,” says neuroscientist Howard Eichenbaum of Boston University.

Neuroscientist Rita Tavares described details of one of these new maps April 2 at the annual meeting of the Cognitive Neuroscience Society. Brain scans had previously revealed that activity in the hippocampus was linked to movement through social space. In an experiment reported last year in Neuron, people went on a virtual quest to find a house and job by interacting with a cast of characters. Through these social interactions, the participants formed opinions about how much power each character held, and how kindly they felt toward him or her. These judgments put each character in a position on a “social space” map. Activity in the hippocampus was related to this social mapmaking, Tavares and colleagues found.
It turns out that this social map depends on the traits of the person who is drawing it, says Tavares, of Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai in New York City. People with more social anxiety tended to give more power to characters they interacted with. What’s more, these people’s social space maps were smaller overall, suggesting that they explored social space less, Tavares says. Tying these behavioral traits to the hippocampus may lead to a greater understanding of social behavior — and how this social mapping may go awry in psychiatric conditions, Tavares said.

The work emphasizes that the hippocampus is not just a mapper of space, Tavares says. Instead, it is a mapper of relationships. “It’s relational learning,” she says. “It’s everything in perspective.”

Other research, discussed at a meeting in February, revealed a role for the hippocampus in building a very different sort of map — a map of sounds. Stationary rats were trained to “move” through a soundscape of different tones, pushing a joystick to change the sounds to reach the sweet spot — the target tone. As the rats navigated this auditory world, nerve cells in their hippocampus were active in a way that formed a map, Princeton University neuroscientist Dmitriy Aronov reported in Salt Lake City at the annual Computational and Systems Neuroscience meeting.

Cells in the hippocampus can also map time, keeping count as seconds tick by, Eichenbaum has found (SN: 12/12/15, p. 12). All of these types of information are quite different, but Eichenbaum argues that they can all be thought of as memories — another mental arena in which the hippocampus plays an important role. Organizing these memories into a sensible structure may be the big-picture job description of the hippocampus, he says. “What’s being tapped in all of these studies is that we are looking at a framework, whether it’s a physical spatial framework, a social space framework, a pitch framework, or a time framework,” Eichenbaum says.

In a bit of Irish luck, archaeologists have found evidence of the Emerald Isle’s earliest known humans. A brown bear’s kneecap excavated in 1903, featuring stone tool incisions, pushes back the date that humans set foot in Ireland by as many as 2,500 years.

Radiocarbon dating at two independent labs places the bone’s age between about 12,800 and 12,600 years old, say Marion Dowd of the Institute of Technology, Sligo in Ireland and Ruth Carden of the National Museum of Ireland in Dublin. Melting glaciers and milder temperatures in northwestern Europe at that time made it easier for humans to reach Ireland by boat to hunt game, at least for several weeks at a time, the researchers propose in the May 1 Quaternary Science Reviews.
Until now, the oldest signs of people on Ireland came from a hunter-gatherer camp dating to about 10,290 years ago.

Carden discovered the brown bear’s kneecap while studying bones that had been packed away in boxes in the 1920s, after the bones’ 1903 discovery at Ireland’s Alice and Gwendoline Cave.